LouLeaks: Unapologetic Accountability
Get the inside scoop on the most important stories in St. Louis, Missouri.
LouLeaks: Unapologetic Accountability
Get the inside scoop on the most important stories in St. Louis, Missouri.
Latest Articles
December 15, 2024
December 15, 2024
December 15, 2024
THE DESTRUCTIVE PATH OF GARRETT JORDAN, AKA ‘YELLOTAPEE’: WHAT WE KNOW ABOUT THE DOCUMENTED KOUNT UP BOYZ (KUB) GANG MEMBER CHARGED IN 16-YEAR-OLD COLIN BROWN’S DEATH.
October 30, 2024
December 15, 2024
December 15, 2024
#SLDCSPOTLIGHT SERIES: LRA, THE WORST NEIGHBOR IN ST. LOUIS – A DEEP DIVE INTO A CULTURE OF CORRUPTION.
October 24, 2024
December 15, 2024
October 24, 2024
POWER PLAY: THE HIDDEN CAMPAIGN TO DISMANTLE ST. LOUIS' FINANCIAL WATCHDOG, COMPTROLLER DARLENE GREEN.
October 12, 2024
October 12, 2024
October 24, 2024
#SLDCSPOTLIGHT SERIES: UNRAVELING POWER AND CONFLICTS IN ST. LOUIS DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION. MATTHEW MCBRIDE, NEXUS GROUP, AND NEXUS PAC.
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August 3, 2024
October 12, 2024
August 3, 2024
CORI BUSH: THE MOST DANGEROUS DEMOCRAT IN CONGRESS. INSIDE HER CONTROVERSIAL RUSSIAN CONNECTIONS.
July 20, 2024
October 12, 2024
August 3, 2024
FORMER ST. LOUIS CITY OFFICE OF VIOLENCE PREVENTION WORKER, SAMIR SIMPSON-BEY, BLACK MAFIA FAMILY DRUG RUNNER WITH CARTEL TIES SENTENCED TO 71 MONTHS: HOW DEEP ARE THE CONNECTIONS TO ORGANIZED CRIME & POLITICS IN ST. LOUIS?
June 24, 2024
March 31, 2024
June 24, 2024
FROM SUSPECTED TERRORIST TO PROLIFIC FBI INFORMANT: THE DISTURBING SAGA OF ALMUTTAN, THE PALESTINIAN CRIME BOSS WHO BROUGHT DOWN 5 CORRUPT ST. LOUIS PUBLIC OFFICIALS.
May 19, 2024
March 31, 2024
June 24, 2024
DECEPTION, CORRUPTION & A WHOLE LOT OF CASH: PETER & PAUL, ALDERMAN RASHEEN ALDRIDGE STRIP PROPERTY RIGHTS, DECEIVE NORTH ST. LOUIS TAXPAYERS, CASHING IN MILLIONS UNDER THE GUISE OF “ENDING HOMELESSNESS.”
March 31, 2024
March 31, 2024
March 31, 2024
BOARD BILL 197 UNVEILS MORE CITY CORRUPTION & CORPORATE FRAUD: HOW ALDERWOMAN LAURA KEYS, SAINT LOUIS DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION, & GREEN STREET INVESTORS COLLUDED TO DECEIVE, BLIGHT, AND EXTORT ST. LOUIS CITY TAXPAYERS.
MARCH 22, 2024
MARCH 22, 2024
March 31, 2024
VERNON BETTS' SHERIFF'S DEPARTMENT UNDER FIRE: 2-YEAR OLD SHOOTS HIMSELF WITH NEW ST. LOUIS CITY SHERIFF DEPUTY JAMES SHORT'S DEPARTMENT-ISSUED FIREARM & A CONVICTED FELON IN THE RANKS.
MARCH 21, 2024
MARCH 22, 2024
MARCH 21, 2024
VERNON BETTS EXPOSED: SHERIFF'S NEGLIGENCE PUTS ST. LOUIS CITY AT RISK. URGENT REQUESTS BY SLMPD FOR ASSISTANCE WITH DOWNTOWN PATROLS IGNORED AS TRAFFIC VIOLENCE SURGES.
December 15, 2024
THE DESTRUCTIVE PATH OF GARRETT JORDAN, AKA ‘YELLOTAPEE’: WHAT WE KNOW ABOUT THE DOCUMENTED KOUNT UP BOYZ (KUB) GANG MEMBER CHARGED IN 16-YEAR-OLD COLIN BROWN’S DEATH.
Garrett Jordan is a documented gang member and aspiring street rapper affiliated with the Kount Up Boyz, a criminal street gang based in North St. Louis. Known as an assassin and drug trafficker, Jordan operates mainly in St. Louis city and North Saint Louis county. His weapons of choice? A Glock equipped with a full-auto switch and a fully automatic AR-15. Jordan is feared on the streets, and many of his alliances with other criminal gangs are rumored to be built on that fear. In addition to his membership with the Kount Up Boyz, Jordan is connected to several other gangs. Among them are the “6ixx Gang,” a deadly group in the Walnut Park neighborhood potentially linked to the recent murder of a 15-year-old rival gang member, and another Northside gang infamous for recruiting a 13-year-old boy—an act they brazenly flaunted on camera, as reported by Jason Rivera on X.
On December 20, 2017, Garrett Jordan was indicted on one count of possession with intent to distribute heroin, to which he pleaded guilty in July 2018. By October of that year, he was sentenced to time served. But just two months after his release, on December 25, 2018, Jordan encountered Maurice Lee, the leader of a rival gang, at a gas station in Ferguson, Missouri. Jordan opened fire on Lee’s vehicle but missed, instead striking an innocent bystander who was pumping gas. The victim, an unidentified man, was hospitalized in critical condition following the shooting. At the time, Lee was out on bond for an incident in St. Charles, Missouri, earlier that year, where he and Maricus Futrell carjacked a Good Samaritan. About four months after Jordan’s attempt on his life, Lee was indicted by federal authorities in a RICO case, along with a co-defendant, Juan Gonzalez, who’s tied to the Sinaloa Cartel. In a proffer statement, Lee detailed, among many other things, the ongoing deadly conflict between his gang and the Kount Up Boyz. Despite Jordan’s involvement in the Ferguson shooting, no charges were ever filed.
A month after Maurice Lee’s indictment, Garrett Jordan was indicted for being a felon in possession of a firearm. In November 2019, he was charged in a superseding indictment alongside Trevor Brothers and Martez Stevenson. By August 2020, Jordan pleaded guilty to one count of being a felon in possession of a firearm, a charge carrying a potential sentence of up to 10 years in prison. He admitted to being a passenger in a stolen car pursued by the SLMPD, which crashed after spike strips were deployed. Jordan fled on foot, leaving behind a bag that contained a 10mm pistol and a rifle magazine loaded with 19 rounds of 5.56mm ammunition.
In March 2021, Jordan was sentenced to 48 months in prison, followed by two years of supervised release. His co-defendant, Martez Stevenson, was the first to accept a plea deal in the case. In July 2020, Stevenson was sentenced to 12 months and 1 day, followed by three years of supervised release, with the government dismissing 4 out of 5 charges. However, Stevenson was arrested again in August 2022 for a violation and sentenced to another 12 months. He was released in April 2023.
Not long after Jordan completed his sentence and Stevenson was released from his violation, Stevenson was gunned down in North St. Louis. While police have reportedly never identified a suspect, Jordan is widely rumored to be the shooter. Allegedly, Jordan believed Stevenson had cooperated with federal authorities in the 2019 case.
While Jordan was in prison, his younger brother, Misean Hines, was shot and killed in the backseat of a car in Normandy on August 7, 2022. Hines’ death intensified the already violent gang war in St. Louis. The police never apprehended the killer, but Jordan made it clear that anyone connected to or even mentioning his brother’s death would face deadly consequences. The suspected killer, allegedly a rival gang member from North St. Louis known as “RGB Willy,” aka “1Tap,” was recently threatened by Jordan in a rap video released on December 6. On October 11, 2023, Jordan allegedly executed 19-year-old rival gang member and street rapper Latrell Prentice, known as “CurryB.” Prentice’s body was found in an alley in the 3400 block of Osage Street in Dutchtown. Allegedly, Prentice was lured to the alley under the guise of meeting a drug customer, who was secretly working with Jordan. After completing the drug deal, Prentice was ambushed and shot in the head.
The rumored motive for the killing was Prentice’s frequent disrespect of Jordan’s late brother, Misean Hines, in his rap lyrics. Jordan allegedly fired over 30 rounds at Prentice, reportedly making a chilling reference to Prentice’s stage name and NBA player Stephen Curry’s jersey number, 30. Despite the brutality of the crime, no charges were filed, and police reported no suspects in the case.
In February 2024, Garrett Jordan was arrested for another supervised release violation. By April, his release was officially revoked, and he was sentenced to 8 months in prison, to be served consecutively with his sentence from the 2019 case. Jordan was released from custody in October 2024. A little over a month later, on November 23, 2024, police linked Jordan to the ongoing investigation into Colin Brown’s homicide. A probable cause statement revealed that Christopher Taylor and Karl Andris had gone to Downtown St. Louis on the night of November 23 to purchase cocaine. After the transaction, they returned to Taylor’s residence at 5615 Minnesota Avenue, near I-55 and close to the site where Colin Brown was shot. At Taylor’s residence, the two distributed the cocaine they had just bought. Investigators also discovered that Jordan had been living at the same address. After distributing the drugs, Andris left Taylor’s residence, armed with a handgun the entire time.
Surveillance footage seized by investigators showed a dark Audi parked in front of 5615 Minnesota Avenue shortly before the highway shooting and returning there afterward. Moments before the shooting, the Audi was captured on video following an unidentified male victim onto I-55. According to the victim, he was shot while entering the interstate after leaving a residence on Minnesota Avenue. Investigators recovered over 20 cartridge casings from the scene—both handgun and rifle rounds—indicating multiple shooters. The weapons used were likely fully automatic. A search warrant for Jordan’s phone revealed that it had been in the Audi before, during, and after the shooting. Additionally, the Audi’s license plate was traced to an address owned by Jordan’s relatives. During questioning, Jordan admitted the phone belonged to him and that no one else had been using it. Further implicating him, Jason Rivera posted a screenshot on X showing Jordan sitting in the back seat of the Audi with another known shooter and street rapper, “C4 Murda,” in a rap video.
Tragically, Colin Brown is believed to have been killed by a bullet fired from the Audi, with investigators identifying Garrett Jordan as the suspected shooter. Jordan has been arrested and charged with six offenses, including First-Degree Murder, Shooting at/from a Motor Vehicle Resulting in Death, and three counts of Armed Criminal Action. Investigators believe the highway shooting is tied to Jordan’s drug trafficking operations. On December 13, multiple suspects were charged with drug distribution and related crimes. The day before, authorities executed a search warrant at 4241 Chippewa Street, where they apprehended Melvin Jenkins, Kalvyn Owens, and Alexcehundra Taylor (not a relative of Christopher Taylor). Jenkins, who owns the property, resides there with Taylor and their 2-year-old child. Police seized approximately 190 grams of narcotics, hidden within the walls, which lab tests later confirmed to contain fentanyl and cocaine. Officers also confiscated several firearms and a phone from Owens, which contained text messages regarding drug sales. Owens admitted to living at the residence and claimed ownership of an assault rifle found under a couch. Investigators have not yet confirmed whether any of the firearms were used in the November 23 shooting on I-55.
The violence didn’t end there. The day after the I-55 shooting, while Colin Brown was in the hospital fighting for his life, at least 80 rounds were fired near the Dome at America’s Center in Downtown St. Louis. The chaotic scene spanned two blocks in Columbus Square. The shootout left two East St. Louis residents, Damon Lawson, 26, and Darrien Abrams, 20, dead. Witnesses described hearing what sounded like a machine gun, and St. Louis Police Chief Robert Tracy confirmed that shots were fired from a vehicle. While some neighbors suspected a home invasion sparked the gunfire, the exact circumstances remain unclear. A week later, a 17-year-old was shot by a man driving a dark sedan in the same Columbus Square area. Police have not released any details about this shooting. However, certain indicators—including reports of machine-gun fire, the high volume of shots, an uptick in drug activity on Carr Street, and Jordan’s known connections to drug trafficking in the area—suggest the possibility of Jordan’s involvement in these Downtown St. Louis shootings.
Garrett Jordan’s disturbing path of death and destruction has finally culminated in the tragic death of Colin Brown, a 16-year-old CBC hockey player and beloved son of a retired Illinois State Police officer. For years, Jordan’s criminal activities were ignored, his escalating violence unchecked. Why did it take the death of a young man like Colin—a child of promise, with his whole life ahead of him—for the system to act? Colin Brown’s story won't simply fade into the background of St. Louis’ violent statistics. Let his name echo not just in grief, but as a call to action. Public safety isn’t a privilege, it is a basic right. And until justice is swift, consistent, and thorough, no family—regardless of their profile—will ever truly feel safe.
Thanks for reading! Follow us on X: @jasonriverastl @louleaks314.
Email tips to our team: louleaks@outlook.com
Signal Messenger: @llwp.314
October 30, 2024
#SLDCSPOTLIGHT SERIES: LRA, THE WORST NEIGHBOR IN ST. LOUIS – A DEEP DIVE INTO A CULTURE OF CORRUPTION.
The Land Reutilization Authority (LRA) is the worst neighbor in many St. Louis neighborhoods, particularly in North St. Louis. As a department of the St. Louis Development Corporation (SLDC), the LRA controls the vacant land and buildings owned by the City of St. Louis. Under state law, a three-member commission oversees the sale and management of LRA properties, with one member appointed by the mayor, another by the comptroller, and the third by the Board of Education. Yet behind the facade of public service lies a culture of corruption. In recent years, the LRA has transacted with individuals of highly questionable backgrounds, including Mohammad Almuttan, a Palestinian crime boss with alleged ties to Hamas, as well as groups connected directly to Omali Yeshitela, a now-convicted Russian agent. Combined with senseless policies from “non-buildable lots,” to their new demolition program, which often hinder neighborhood development rather than support it, the LRA’s actions reveal a troubling pattern of willful neglect that has inflicted significant harm on the communities it is supposed to serve.
On June 2, 2022, the LRA was exposed at the center of the federal indictment that sent three St. Louis aldermen to prison. Federal prosecutors revealed that former Alderman John Collins-Muhammad brokered a meeting in 2020 between then-Alderman Jeffrey Boyd and Palestinian crime boss Mohammed Almuttan, who sought to acquire the LRA-owned warehouse at 4201 Geraldine. At the time, Almuttan was working as an FBI informant while under federal indictment for importing illegal toxic chemicals from China and manufacturing deadly synthetic drugs at a farm in rural Missouri. He was also charged with money laundering and cigarette trafficking, a scheme commonly used to fund terrorism. The crime boss expressed interest in using the property as his potential "manufacturing hub." The next day, they met at Boyd’s banquet hall, where Boyd looked up the property’s details online, Almuttan’s wire captured Boyd remarking, “Appraised at $459,000. That’s, hmm, I just want to make sure you know exactly what you’re getting… I’ll support you 100%.” Almuttan and Alderman Collins-Muhammad told Boyd that they were discussing offering $7,000-$10,000, Jeffrey Boyd shrugged off the amount, responding, “That’s fine with me, I don’t care.” Boyd agreed to facilitate the transaction in exchange for Almuttan’s cash bribes, securing Almuttan’s support by drafting a letter to former LRA Director Laura Costello endorsing his lowball bid of $9,000 for the nearly half-million-dollar property. Boyd vouched for Almuttan, describing him as a “trusted businessman” invested in “job creation,” despite Almuttan's federal charges and ongoing community concerns over daily crime at his various businesses. At Collins-Muhammad’s request, Boyd connected Almuttan directly with Costello to “negotiate” a counter-offer after the LRA initially issued a counter of $33,500. With Boyd’s assistance, Almuttan secured a dramatically reduced sale price of $14,000 for the LRA property.
Boyd’s influence did not end there; he later advised Almuttan on applying for a tax abatement, introducing Board Bill Number 143 to secure a 10-year, 95% abatement. He also inflated Almuttan’s projected construction costs to meet eligibility requirements. The SLDC finalized Almuttan's acquisition of 4201 Geraldine in April 2021, formalizing a deal that undermined community interests and cast a shadow over the integrity of the LRA and SLDC. In January 2022, Board Bill Number 143 passed, and Mayor Tishaura Jones approved it the following month, with the bill becoming law in March 2022, officially granting the tax abatement for the property. On November 10, 2022, former Alderwoman Norma Walker introduced Board Bill 118 to repeal Boyd’s legislation, marking a critical effort to reverse the benefits given to Almuttan. The repeal passed through the Board of Aldermen and was signed by Mayor Jones, with Ordinance 71605 becoming effective on January 23, 2023. Subsequently, the 4201 Geraldine property was donated back to the LRA.
A couple months prior to the indictment, Laura Costello was ousted by the Jones Administration. The Jones Administration also replaced longtime LRA commissioner Mark Levison with Gail Brown. Levison is a fellow attorney of SLDC Board member and LCRA Chair Matthew McBride at Lashley & Baer. Following the indictment, SLDC quickly announced that all LRA sales would be paused. Despite the indictments and promises of reform, recent appointments and leadership changes within the LRA indicate that the agency’s issues with conflicts of interest and questionable ethics are far from resolved. The Jones-appointed LRA commissioner, Gail Brown, alongside other strategic hires like Lance Knuckles from Minneapolis and Shelton Anderson from Atlanta, are now leading what is intended to be a reformed LRA. However, there are concerns regarding the decisions, backgrounds and business connections of these key figures.
LRA Vice-Chairperson Gail Brown owns Urban Planning Development Corporation (UPDC), a firm that claims to implement land acquisition and relocation programs in compliance with the Uniform Relocation Act and various federal, state, and local regulations. UPDC’s clients include airports, Departments of Transportation, transit authorities, engineering firms, private developers, and numerous government agencies. Brown also operates Brown-Kortkamp Realty Inc., a real estate agency in St. Louis, further intertwining her professional interests with the very entity she now oversees. Before being appointed LRA Vice-Chairperson, Brown was appointed to the Affordable Housing Commission by former Mayors Francis Slay and Lyda Krewson and to the TIF Commission by Francis Slay. The potential for conflicts of interest deepens with the recent hiring of Shelton Anderson as Vice President of Real Estate at SLDC and Director of Real Estate for the LRA. Anderson, who was hired in September 2023, founded Anderson Real Estate Development just a year prior and still serves as its CEO. Notably, around the same time he took on his role at SLDC/LRA, he advertised a job listing on LinkedIn for a Missouri-licensed Mortgage Loan Officer at his private firm. Additionally, Anderson offers one-hour consultations on his website, charging clients between $300 and $350. The intertwining of Brown's and Anderson's businesses with their responsibilities at the LRA create a fertile ground for corruption, enabling lucrative backdoor deals that favor private interests over community needs.
Lance Knuckles joined the St. Louis Development Corporation (SLDC) as Director of Strategic Growth & Development in September 2021. Knuckles has reportedly told people he was hired to “revamp the LRA.” Much like his LRA predecessor, Laura Costello, Knuckles also forced a controversial real estate deal involving an organization linked to Omali Yeshitela. Yeshitela, an African separatist leader, is the founder of the Uhuru Movement and leads the African People’s Socialist Party (APSP). In April 2023, he was charged by federal authorities with conspiring with Russian nationals, including Aleksandr Ionov, to influence U.S. elections. Ionov, Yeshitela’s “supervisor,” worked with Russia’s FSB and coordinated with Yveginy Prigozhin—known as “Putin’s chef” and the founder of the Wagner Group.
That same month, the LRA board granted the African People’s Education and Defense Fund (APEDF) two-year purchase options on vacant properties in North St. Louis. APEDF is led by Ona Zené Yeshitela, wife of Omali Yeshitela. However, a few days after the April meeting, Knuckles called Yeshitela to inform her that the LRA planned to rescind the purchase options due to complaints that the Yeshitelas were under investigation. In response, Yeshitela held a press conference outside LRA headquarters in Downtown St. Louis, where she stated, “I expressed to Mr. Knuckles that APEDF was not under any investigation, and neither APEDF nor any of its board members had been named in any outstanding or pending investigation.” She also noted that the group has invested over $1 million in North St. Louis. APEDF maintained that their community development activities are entirely separate from any investigations and that neither the organization nor its board members are under scrutiny. The last individual to block a sale to a Yeshitela-linked organization was former Alderman John-Collins Muhammad, and at the press conference, APEDF’s attorney gave Knuckles a cryptic message, saying, “APSP (Omali’s group) has always been transparent, just as APEDF has. The LRA has not been so transparent. The focus should be on them.” Following this, Knuckles and other city leaders appeared to read between the lines and reconsider their stance on the sale, with Knuckles ultimately stating, “The APEDF and its leaders are not facing any charges themselves.”
However, both Yeshitela’s and Knuckles' statements are inaccurate. The FBI had already raided the Yeshitela residence in North St. Louis nine months prior to the brief APEDF/LRA fallout. Furthermore, APEDF shared an office with the APSP on West Florissant Avenue, APSP’s website listed APEDF as one of its affiliated programs, and Omali Yeshitela’s media outlet, “The Burning Spear,” had links to the APEDF website. Since 2017, APEDF, along with other groups connected to the Yeshitelas, has been part of their “Black Power Blueprint,” through which they acquired over a dozen LRA properties. While their projects, like a public garden and a new basketball court, appear positive on the surface, their activities mirror those of Yevgeny Prigozhin’s Wagner Group in Africa—an organization with which Yeshitela’s Russian supervisor had close ties. The Wagner Group used economic investments and social projects to secure local influence, often disguising its activities as “security” for unstable regions. Beneath the surface, Wagner stripped valuable resources, particularly gold, to fund Russian interests, creating extractive relationships that drained wealth from local economies. Similarly, Omali Yeshitela’s organizations have invested under the guise of community rebuilding, seeking to shift political support toward candidates sympathetic to foreign agendas, like Congresswoman Cori Bush. This strategy aligns with a broader approach of leveraging social and economic influence to destabilize Western interests domestically, echoing Prigozhin’s Wagner Group tactics abroad—until Prigozhin’s mysterious plane crash brought his operations to a sudden end.
The pattern of questionable deals, conflicted interests, and opaque practices at the LRA illustrates an organization seemingly more focused on advancing private gain than on serving St. Louis communities. Despite the turnover in leadership and recent pledges for reform, the agency’s long-standing entanglements with figures of ill repute and foreign-linked organizations reveal systemic failures that go beyond individual actors. By choosing private connections over community welfare, the LRA has contributed to North St. Louis’ cycles of poverty and neglect. Real change will require not only transparent, community-focused leadership but also a commitment to breaking these harmful alliances that have eroded trust and stability across St. Louis neighborhoods for decades.
Thanks for reading! Follow us on X: @jasonriverastl @louleaks314.
Email tips to our team: louleaks@outlook.com
Signal Messenger: @llwp.314
October 24, 2024
POWER PLAY: THE HIDDEN CAMPAIGN TO DISMANTLE ST. LOUIS' FINANCIAL WATCHDOG, COMPTROLLER DARLENE GREEN.
The political landscape in St. Louis is undergoing a quiet but significant power struggle, with longtime Comptroller Darlene Green at the center of it all. While many in the city’s leadership outwardly express support for her, a coordinated effort to undermine her authority has been unfolding behind the scenes. The Jones Administration and several aldermen have worked to chip away at Comptroller Green’s influence, first with a failed charter amendment aimed at eliminating her position entirely, and Proposition B, which is set for the November ballot, that would drastically reduce her budgetary powers and potentially ruin the city’s A+ credit rating. At the same time, Comptroller Green’s much-needed scrutiny of the SLDC Northside grant program has fueled these tensions, leading to pushback from Mayor Tishaura Jones, who has sought to defend the administration’s handling of the program.
In 2022, former Alderwoman Annie Rice sponsored a bill to propose an amendment to the City’s Charter that would establish a Charter Commission. Voters approved this in April 2023, and the Jones Administration was responsible for appointing all its members. Their first major initiative? An attempt to completely eliminate both the Comptroller’s office and the Board of Estimate and Apportionment. One key figure within the commission is its secretary, Scott Intagliata. Intagliata has been a major backer of Aldermanic President Megan Green and a longtime friend of Virvus Jones, the Mayor’s father. Intagliata’s close ties to the Jones family have raised serious concerns about the true motivations behind the commission’s decisions. Virvus Jones, the former city comptroller, was indicted in a scandal in which he pled guilty to tax fraud for embezzling funds from his nephew Todd Clark’s estate after the death of Clark’s mother. These funds not only went toward his personal expenses but also helped finance his daughter Tishaura’s college education. Despite the scandal, Darlene Green succeeded him as Comptroller and has maintained a stellar track record throughout her tenure. However, the commission’s effort to dismantle the Comptroller’s office hints at deeper political maneuvering and a potential power struggle in St. Louis.
The Jones-appointed commission proposed a new position: a professional finance director, appointed by the Mayor, to take over the Comptroller’s duties, including overseeing financial controls and payment processing. Additionally, they introduced the concept of an elected “public advocate,” tasked with auditing city offices and performing other functions ostensibly aimed at increasing government transparency—despite the fact that these responsibilities already fall under the purview of the ten-time elected Comptroller, Darlene Green. This restructuring would place the city’s financial oversight under direct mayoral control, raising serious concerns about potential corruption in city government. In essence, this arrangement would turn the fox into the guardian of the henhouse.
Comptroller Darlene Green voiced her concerns in a Facebook post, calling the plan a “City Hall money grab” that threatens to eliminate a crucial check on government corruption. “Don’t let them muzzle the city’s watchdog,” she urged. Her supporters rallied behind her, viewing these changes as a direct assault on Black political power. Green’s comments reflect her staunch defense of her office and the Board of Estimate and Apportionment. Both entities are legacies of the 1914 reform charter, designed to dilute the mayor’s control over city finances to combat corruption. The Estimate Board, composed of the mayor, the comptroller, and the aldermanic president, mandates that the chief executive must gain approval from at least one other member for any spending, ensuring that the mayor cannot unilaterally dictate financial decisions. Green highlighted the importance of having an independent comptroller’s office, which allows bills to be paid independently of the mayor’s office. Furthermore, requiring the comptroller’s signature on all contracts provides leverage against questionable city deals, something Tishaura Jones has been known to indulge in. Comptroller Green also told Fox 2 News, “The proposed charter changes to eliminate the independent elected Comptroller and the Board of E&A will forever dismantle the strong financial structure of the city, weaken checks and balances, and eliminate transparency; thus, removing strong protection of city taxpayers’ dollars from corruption.”
At a town hall meeting on July 1, residents expressed outrage over the proposed elimination of the Comptroller’s office, demanding its preservation. Mayor Jones’s chief of staff, Jared Boyd, attended the meeting to convey that the Jones Administration stands with Green, emphasizing that the mayor has worked closely with her to safeguard the city’s financial integrity. When asked about residents’ outrage, Jones said, “Change happens at the speed of trust,” acknowledging that the administration had not yet built enough trust among residents to eliminate the Comptroller and give the administration complete control of city finances. So, what’s their next move? The Jones Administration is set to continue its behind-the-scenes efforts to “mobilize” against Darlene Green, similar to their attempts to “mobilize” to undermine Senator Steve Roberts’ bid for St. Louis circuit attorney, as evidenced in leaked text messages of Tishaura Jones, Virvus Jones, and political operative Richard Callow. Their strategy underscores a broader campaign to consolidate power and erode the authority of anyone who threatens their agenda, all while maintaining a facade of public support for accountability and transparency in government. Over the past year, Comptroller Green has faced criticism for delays in paying the city’s bills. However, she has pushed back, attributing these delays to city departments failing to submit invoices and contracts correctly. These slowdowns appear to have been strategically orchestrated by the Jones Administration and its political operatives to sabotage Green, eroding public trust in her leadership while the charter commission drafted plans to eliminate her elected position. Most recently, political allies and operatives tied to the Jones Administration have even been spreading a malicious rumor of Comptroller Green being “sick.”
In May, Alderman Rasheen Aldridge introduced Board Bill 30 as a backup plan in case the charter commission’s proposal to eliminate the Comptroller didn’t make it through the Board of Aldermen—which it didn’t. Instead of scrapping the Comptroller’s office entirely, the commission shifted to a more subtle approach, recommending a change that would allow aldermen to propose spending decisions. Aldridge claimed this was something he’d been considering since his time in the Missouri House, but in reality, the idea was planted in his head by former Missouri Governor Jay Nixon. Nixon, who legitimized Aldridge’s political rise by appointing him to the Ferguson Commission, has a long history of behind-the-scenes political maneuvering, from his controversial role in the Rams relocation deal to his role in the dark-money political group “No Labels.” Comptroller Green, stands in the way of many politically-connected developers who see the Rams settlement money as their prize. Alderman Aldridge, aligned with these interests, is a key player, taking direction from Nixon, who has a vested interest in swaying how these funds are used. Comptroller Green, however, fiercely resisted these efforts, urging the Mayor to keep voters from approving a shift of budget power from her office to the Board of Aldermen. “This bill could damage the city’s credit and cost taxpayers more in borrowing,” she wrote. Aldridge dismissed her concerns as “bizarre” and “misleading,” but his lack of experience in financial matters and an alleged poor personal credit score, as a close associate of Aldridge has told LouLeaks, reveals his disconnect from the complexities of city finances. His political career has also been clouded by allegations, including defrauding donors out of over $2,000 in a GoFundMe campaign in 2016 under the guise of an election lawsuit he seemingly never filed.
Despite his arguments that aldermen are the “boots on the ground” most in touch with residents, one cannot forget that Comptroller Green has been elected six consecutive times by the people to make financial decisions. The Board of Aldermen endorsed sending this measure to voters with a 14-1 vote—enough to override a veto from the Mayor. However, Mayor Jones is strategically allowing the Board to carry out the “dirty work” while keeping her administration at arm’s length. With direct influence over a majority of the Board of Aldermen, the Jones Administration continues to maneuver behind the scenes, all while maintaining an appearance of working in the best interests of the citizens.
Lately, tensions between the Jones Administration, the Board of Aldermen, and Comptroller Darlene Green have escalated even more, particularly around the SLDC Northside Grant Program, spearheaded by the Jones Administration and 10th Ward Alderwoman Shameem Clark-Hubbard. Clark-Hubbard, now on the SLDC board of directors after Mayor Jones appointed her as HUDZ chair, sponsored the legislation for the grant program, which has come under intense scrutiny by the public, the press, local elected officials, and Missouri State Auditor Scott Fitzpatrick. The grant program, meant to distribute $37 million to North St. Louis businesses and nonprofits, has raised serious concerns about fairness and transparency, with Comptroller Green warning that its flawed rollout could expose the city to lawsuits and jeopardize future federal funds. The Comptroller's office conducted a “preliminary risk assessment” that flagged several issues, including the fact that a large portion of the money is earmarked for a small number of entities, with some funds seemingly directed to businesses and individuals who shouldn’t qualify in the first place. Among these recipients are entities directly tied to Clark-Hubbard’s family, who stand to receive nearly $1.3 million. The Comptroller’s report called for an immediate “do-over” of the grant program, asserting that its current state puts the city at significant risk. Last month, Comptroller Green made a rare appearance before the Board of Aldermen to voice her concerns, prompting a rare public rebuttal from Mayor Jones immediately after. Comptroller Green formally presented the report and urged the SLDC to heed her recommendations. However, Mayor Jones dismissed the Comptroller’s conclusions, insisting the program would not be restarted. The Jones Administration is under pressure to keep the grant program on track, particularly with the upcoming election, as any delays could impact her politically. The Jones Administration has blamed the delay on politics and racism, as they’ve done for nearly every other issue the administration is criticized for.
SLDC CEO/Executive Director Neal Richardson also fired back at Green’s report, labeling it “riddled with errors and false allegations.” The Jones Administration claims that withholding federal dollars from North St. Louis in the past had harmed the community, but millions of public dollars are being directed to multiple politically connected individuals close to Jones and Clark-Hubbard during an election season, with little transparency about how the money will actually be spent. The SLDC’s “transparency portal,” which was rolled out in response to growing scrutiny, has been criticized as inadequate. It offers redacted grant applications and vague details about the vetting process, but omits critical information about the winners’ plans for the funds. Green dismissed it as insufficient, and community leaders are still left with unanswered questions about where the money is going and how it will be used, raising broader concerns about the true intent behind the program and who ultimately stands to benefit.
The power plays orchestrated by the Jones Administration, coupled with influential figures pushing for radical changes, threaten to dismantle decades-old systems designed to ensure fiscal transparency and protect against corruption. In the midst of these efforts, Green remains a symbol of resistance, advocating for accountability and caution in the face of politically motivated reforms. As the battle over Prop B intensifies and the April elections heat up, the future of St. Louis’ governance hangs in the balance.
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October 12, 2024
#SLDCSPOTLIGHT SERIES: UNRAVELING CONFLICTS IN ST. LOUIS DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION. MATTHEW MCBRIDE, NEXUS GROUP, AND NEXUS PAC.
From the public, the press, elected officials, and even their own board members, the Saint Louis Development Corporation (SLDC) is under fire. Concerns about transparency, accountability, and conflicts of interest have grown, and now, Missouri State Auditor Scott Fitzpatrick has announced that he will launch an investigation into the agency. This move follows a bold step by Democratic Missouri State Rep. Steve Butz, who personally walked into Fitzpatrick’s office, urging him to take a deeper look at the SLDC's inner workings. The investigation comes at a time when SLDC is facing mounting scrutiny surrounding a North St. Louis city grant program. North City Alderwoman Pam Boyd has even expressed concerns that fraud may be at play, raising the stakes for what Fitzpatrick’s probe could uncover.
LouLeaks is launching the #SLDCSpotlight series as public distrust grows, it’s time to shine a light on the figures at the center of the SLDC's operations. Our first focus is on Matthew McBride, an SLDC Chair with an intricate web of political ties, lobbying connections, and potential conflicts of interest.
Matthew McBride is an attorney at Lashly & Baer PC and a current SLDC Board member. McBride is Chairman of the Port Authority Commission. He was appointed by the Jones administration to SLDC, Land Clearance for Redevelopment Authority (LCRA), Planned Industrial Expansion Authority (PIEA), and Port Authority Commission boards. However, McBride’s influence extends beyond the SLDC—he’s currently on a total of SEVEN city development boards, while simultaneously holding the role of treasurer for Nexus PAC, the political action committee of Missouri lobbying powerhouse Nexus Group.
In addition to his many roles on city development boards, McBride also serves as outside counsel for the Saint Louis Mental Health Board (MHB), an independent government taxing authority that oversees the administration of the Community Mental Health Fund and the Community Children’s Services Fund. Notably, LouLeaks could not locate a Request for Proposal (RFP) for that contract, raising further concerns about transparency.
Among its many clients, Nexus Group lobbies for the Office of the Treasurer of St. Louis, real estate development giant McCormack Baron Salazar, and Paric Corporation, the construction company founded by Paul McKee. They also lobby for Shelter Insurance Company and Invenergy Transmission. According to Missouri Ethics Commission campaign reports, Nexus Group has poured over $80,000 into its Nexus PAC since its formation in 2018, a couple of Nexus PAC’s other big donors are their own clients. For example, McCormack Baron Salazar has contributed over $70,000, while Paric Corporation has contributed a whopping $250,000. Other big contributions have come from developers like Dellwood Acquisitions, owners of Dellwood Shopping Center in North St. Louis county. Just over a year ago, Republican megadonors Rex and Jeannie Sinquefield gave $15,000 to the PAC.
When McCormack Baron Salazar needed the LCRA to approve a 15 year, $785,000 tax abatement for their Carr Square development, they gave $2,000 to McBride’s Nexus PAC on 3/23/23. McBride didn’t recuse himself from discussion, voted yes, & the tax abatement was passed LCRA 6 days later. Aside from this instance, McBride also saw no need to recuse himself from votes involving developer incentives that would benefit Nexus PAC’s biggest contributors, such as Paric Corporation. However, when the LCRA voted to approve GOODCO LLC as the developer of Cleveland High School in South St. Louis, McBride recused himself. The reason? Lashly & Baer, McBride’s law firm, was listed as GOODCO’s attorney. Interestingly, GOODCO LLC is tied to former LCRA board member Chris Goodson. To make matters even worse, Chris Goodson’s ‘Field Foods’ grocery store closed shortly after LCRA designated his company as Cleveland High School’s redeveloper. Goodson is currently being sued by LEAF Capital funding over grocery scanning software. The Mid-America Carpenters Regional Council is also suing Goodson over unpaid interest on a $500,000 loan.
Since its formation, Nexus PAC has paid Lashly & Baer, McBride's law firm, over $90,000, creating a troubling appearance of self-enrichment. In 2018, Nexus PAC contributed $7,500 to Citizens For Steve Stenger. The following year, the PAC contributed $7,500 to Committee To Elect Reed, a campaign committee for Lewis Reed, former President of Board of Alderman. Stenger and Reed would later be convicted on federal pay-to-play charges. Nexus PAC has also contributed over $20,000 to committees tied to Mayor Tishaura Jones, while committees tied to County Executive Sam Page have received over $40,000 from the PAC. On August 26, 2021, Nexus PAC contributed $2,600 to Adam Layne for STL, Layne currently holds the Office of The Treasurer, a Nexus Group client. Layne was appointed in April 2021 to succeed Tishaura Jones after she was elected as Mayor.
Nexus PAC has also contributed to multiple current St. Louis city elected officials, including Alderwoman Daniela Velazquez, Alderman Rasheen Aldridge, Circuit Attorney Gabe Gore, and McBride’s fellow SLDC Boardmember, Alderwoman Shameem Clark-Hubbard. McBride's PAC has even contributed over $4,000 to Scott Fitzpatrick in the past. Fitzpatrick is now the Missouri State Auditor investigating SLDC.
The many potential conflicts of interest surrounding Matthew McBride highlight a larger pattern of influence that raises important questions about transparency and power in St. Louis. As the Missouri State Auditor’s investigation unfolds, it's clear that these entangled relationships warrant closer scrutiny, and some insiders have even called on the FBI to probe SLDC. This is just the beginning of our #SLDCSpotlight series, where we’ll continue to expose more issues and key players shaping the city’s development landscape.
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August 5, 2024
INVESTIGATING A POTENTIAL STALKING HORSE CANDIDATE TO BENEFIT CORI BUSH IN MISSOURI’S FIRST CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT.
It would be an understatement to say that Missouri’s First Congressional District race is tense. Several intriguing developments have come to light, raising questions about political tactics, candidate motivations, and potential foreign influence. The race, which features incumbent Congresswoman Cori Bush, former state senator Maria Chappelle-Nadal, and St. Louis prosecuting attorney Wesley Bell, has become a focal point of controversy and speculation.
Cori Bush, the incumbent for Missouri’s 1st district, became a rising figure during the Ferguson protests. Shortly after Bush’s decision to stand against Israel after the October 7th Hamas terrorist attack, Wesley Bell, who serves as St. Louis County Prosecutor, decided to drop out of his U.S. Senate bid and run against Congresswoman Bush in the August 6th primary election. In mid-2023, there were rumors surrounding this move, but Bell allegedly did not plan on running against Bush at that time. After Bell’s decision, Cori Bush became worried, and rightfully so; Bell defeated a seven-term incumbent for the county prosecutor job. To add to the pressure, on January 30, 2024, the DOJ launched an investigation into Bush paying her husband $756,748.42 in campaign funds for “security services.” A week later, Maria Chappelle-Nadal, a former state senator, added a very weird twist to the proceedings by announcing her candidacy in a social media post.
Maria Chappelle-Nadal's campaign has been a relentless attack on Wesley Bell, sparking speculation that she may be a stalking horse candidate to help Cori Bush. A stalking horse candidate is someone who runs in an election not to win but to divert votes from another candidate or to serve as a strategic pawn in the political landscape. This suspicion is based on several observations. First, Chappelle-Nadal and Bush share a political history, having campaigned together in 2016. A photograph even shows Chappelle-Nadal pointing at a sign that reads "Cori Bush for Senate," displaying past support and alignment.
Another observation is that since entering the race, Chappelle-Nadal has launched multiple unproven allegations against Wesley Bell, including claims of “selling cases” to local attorneys for campaign contributions and accusations of locking women in cages and filming them. These serious allegations were made with no proof and are obviously aimed at undermining Bell’s credibility. Interestingly, Chappelle-Nadal’s criticisms of Cori Bush have been nearly nonexistent. On the few occasions when she has scrutinized Bush, she quickly pivoted to claim that Bell is far worse, neutralizing any critique of Bush. Chappelle-Nadal has attacked Bell on Twitter with over 200 tweets, while her mentions of Bush don’t even amount to 10% of that.
Adding another layer to this complex situation is the revelation that Congresswoman Cori Bush was influenced by Omali Yeshitela, an agent of the Russian FSB, when she first entered politics. Oddly enough, Chappelle-Nadal appeared on a podcast last month hosted by John Kiriakou, a former CIA agent who pleaded guilty to disclosing classified information about another CIA operative, which is featured on Russia Today (RT News), a Russian state media network. During the podcast, she discussed the murder of Darren Seals, a Ferguson activist, claiming to have solved the case and accusing Wesley Bell of failing to prosecute the killer—another obvious political attack that she thought would reignite Ferguson outrage. Chappelle-Nadal tweeted her frustrations about her podcast not being picked up by local media, accusing local news sources of “catch-and-kill.” Her decision to turn to a podcast hosted by a traitor of the United States on a Russian state media network raises serious questions about her motivations.
As the primary election approaches tomorrow, the voters of Missouri’s First Congressional District face a critical decision. The complex dynamics of this race demand careful consideration. It’s essential for voters to scrutinize the actions and motivations of each candidate to ensure an informed choice. The outcome of this election will not only shape the future of the district but also reflect the broader political landscape and the integrity of democratic processes. Stay vigilant, Missouri’s First District, and make your voice heard at the polls.
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August 3, 2024
CORI BUSH: THE MOST DANGEROUS DEMOCRAT IN CONGRESS. INSIDE HER CONTROVERSIAL RUSSIAN CONNECTIONS.
Cori Bush, a prominent U.S. Representative and member of "The Squad," rose to political prominence through her activism during the Ferguson protests, a legacy she continues to emphasize in her campaign messaging today. However, recent revelations have cast a shadow over her political career. LouLeaks has uncovered disturbing evidence suggesting that U.S. Congresswoman Cori Bush was strategically recruited to enter the political arena in 2015 by Omali Yeshitela, who has been charged by the FBI for being an agent of Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB), and Zaki Baruti, a St. Louis-based African separatist leader.
Omali Yeshitela, Zaki Baruti, and Cori Bush were key figures in the Ferguson protest movement from the beginning. On August 9, 2014, immediately after Michael Brown was killed by Ferguson police officer Darren Wilson, Omali Yeshitela traveled to Ferguson, Missouri, from St. Petersburg, Florida, to join the protests. Yeshitela has stated on a podcast that he was directly connected to Zaki Baruti prior to arriving in the area. On August 30, 2014, Zaki Baruti’s newly-formed “Justice for Michael Brown Leadership Coalition” held a march in Ferguson, with Omali Yeshitela as a featured speaker. Cori Bush was also in attendance. Yeshitela and Baruti even collaborated on an unofficial “Black People’s Grand Jury” to review the evidence against police officer Darren Wilson. From their initial meeting, Baruti and Yeshitela developed a close personal and working relationship, frequently appearing together in the public eye. Sources tell LouLeaks that Baruti and Yeshitela are “attached at the hip” whenever Yeshitela is in St. Louis.
The FBI revealed that on or about May 21, 2015, Omali Yeshitela's assistant sent an email request to an assistant of Aleksandr Ionov, a Russian national working on behalf of the Russian government and the Federal Security Service (FSB). Yeshitela requested to "meet with an official representative of the Russian government" and to "meet with members of the embassies of Cuba, Venezuela, Iran, North Korea, and Syria." Five days later, Yeshitela flew from Florida to Russia for the purpose of meeting and signing a partnership with Aleksandr Ionov, fully aware that Ionov was an agent of the Russian government. The entire trip was funded by the Russians. Federal investigators stated that as part of the conspiracy, Ionov, Yeshitela, and other U.S. co-conspirators engaged in "agitprop" or "agitation and propaganda" by writing articles containing Russian propaganda and disinformation. Ionov sent these articles via email or encrypted messages to Yeshitela and other co-conspirators with instructions to publish them in their many media outlets. Additionally, Jesse Nevel, another co-conspirator charged by the FBI, ran for Mayor in St. Petersburg, Florida, in 2017. An unindicted co-conspirator also ran for local office in St. Petersburg in 2017 and 2019, serving as the Director of Agitation and Propaganda for Yeshitela’s group. The FBI indicated that Russian intelligence sought to install controlled candidates to run effective political campaigns during municipal elections to gain experience and lay the groundwork for a new electoral base.
St. Petersburg was not the first place where the Russians attempted to install controlled candidates. It appears the FBI did not fully investigate the Russian’s nearly identical activities in St. Louis, Missouri. On October 30, 2015, just one month after agreeing to become an agent of the Russian FSB, Omali Yeshitela traveled to St. Louis to be a featured speaker at a UAPO (Universal African Peoples Organization) conference organized by Zaki Baruti. Other speakers included Lewis Reed, a now-convicted felon and former president of the board of aldermen, and Tishaura Jones, who is now the St. Louis Mayor. Yeshitela confirmed his involvement in recruiting Cori Bush to run for Senate, stating, “as a direct outcome of UAPO’s first conference also attended by our Movement in 2015…Cori Bush is on the ballot in Missouri.” Not only did Zaki Baruti and Omali Yeshitela recruit Cori Bush for a 2016 Senate run, but Baruti and his UAPO organization also assisted with Bush’s 2016 campaign. On June 5th and 6th, 2016, Cori Bush attended Baruti’s second annual National Black Political Leadership Conference in St. Louis, where Baruti’s right-hand-man, Russian agent Omali Yeshitela, was also present. On July 22, 2016, just 11 days before the Missouri Democratic primary, Yeshitela promoted a rally for Bush’s 2016 Senate campaign, which was held the following day. The rally was advertised in “The Burning Spear,” a newsletter run by Yeshitela. The newsletter noted that the rally was organized by Zaki Baruti’s group and that Yeshitela and Baruti served together on the board of the “Black is Back Coalition.” Concurrently, the Internet Research Agency (IRA), a notorious Russian organization closely linked to the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) that Aleksandr Ionov works for, created several social media pages—such as Blacktivist, Don't Shoot, Black Matters, Black Fist, and Woke Blacks—to target the Black U.S. population with Russian propaganda and disinformation to influence political opinions in the lead-up to the 2016 elections. Aside from Cori Bush, Yeshitelah’s group announced an endorsement of two candidates to “represent north St. Louis’ black community” in the March 2, 2021 local election. Ticharwa Masimbafor for Ward 21 Alderperson and Herdosia “Kalambayi'' Bentum for Ward 3 Alderperson. Russia’s influence over candidates in St. Louis mirrors their election interference operations in St. Petersburg, Florida. They used the same exact campaign issues and everything. However, FBI Investigators made no mention of this. Raising concerns about the FBI falling short of uncovering the depth of Russia’s influence in the region.
To this day, Zaki Baruti remains heavily involved in Congresswoman Cori Bush’s campaign and continues to be a close associate of Omali Yeshitela, even after the FBI indictments. Following the FBI’s raid of one of his homes, Yeshitela held a press conference in St. Louis with Baruti by his side. In a recent video where Baruti and Yeshitela are seen discussing the situation, Yeshitela explains the FBI’s charges against him—namely, influencing elections on behalf of Russia. Baruti responds by using a common Russian propaganda tactic known as whataboutism, saying, “What about all of the other countries’ elections that the United States meddles in?”
Cori Bush’s sponsorship of the "Reparations NOW" bill shows the strong influence of Omali Yeshitela on her policies. The bill’s name matches Yeshitela’s campaign, often seen on banners and flyers, raising concerns about possible Russian influence on Bush’s decisions and their effects on both the U.S. and international relations. After anti-Israel protests at George Washington University and Washington University (WashU), Bush stood at a podium with a sign reading “Hands Off Our Students: All Eyes On Gaza,” similar to Yeshitela’s flyers like “Hands Off Uhuru: Stop The FBI Attacks” and “Hands Off Chairman Omali Yeshitela: Drop The Charges.” Many St. Louis residents think the WashU protest was organized by Yeshitela and other local figures under his influence like Ward 7 Alderwoman Alisha Sonnier and Megan Green, a WashU professor and President of the Board of Aldermen in St. Louis. The “convenient” arrival of Jill Stein, a confirmed Russian asset pictured with Omali Yeshitela and Zaki Baruti, and the quick publication of her arrest in Yeshitela’s newsletter suggest a coordinated effort.
The WashU protest happened after right after President Biden signed the latest foreign aid bill in April, which Bush opposed. This bill included important funding for defense activities critical to Boeing, a major local employer. By voting against it, Bush risked essential defense contracts that support Boeing's operations, threatening the jobs of her constituents. This vote contrasts sharply with her duty to a district heavily reliant on Boeing, showing a disconnect between her national policy stances and the economic needs of her community. In a striking contradiction, her vote against the Ending Importation of Russian Oil Act, an essential bill designed to cripple Russia’s economy by halting its oil exports, demonstrates an alarming disregard for the global economic pressures on one of the United States’ most dangerous adversaries. This bill was a direct assault on Vladimir Putin’s economic lifeline, and by voting against it, Bush’s actions can be perceived as supporting Russian economic interests, undermining a vital strategy to weaken Russia’s global power. Her consistent opposition to the National Defense Authorization Acts over three consecutive years, which included provisions to support Ukraine and counter Russian aggression, further highlights a gap between her decisions and the need to strengthen U.S. defenses against Russian expansion. Bush’s voting record raises serious questions about her commitment to her district, U.S. national security, and global stability, seemingly favoring Russian interests while neglecting the economic well-being of her own district.
As the August 6th election approaches, voters in St. Louis and beyond must consider these factors carefully. This election presents an opportunity to reflect on the broader implications of our representatives' actions and to choose leaders who will prioritize the well-being and security of both their local communities and the nation.
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July 20, 2024
FORMER ST. LOUIS CITY OFFICE OF VIOLENCE PREVENTION WORKER, SAMIR SIMPSON-BEY, BLACK MAFIA FAMILY DRUG RUNNER WITH CARTEL TIES SENTENCED TO 71 MONTHS: HOW DEEP ARE THE CONNECTIONS TO ORGANIZED CRIME & POLITICS IN ST. LOUIS?
On July 17th, 2024, Judge Ronnie White sentenced Samir Simpson-Bey to 71 months in prison for selling drugs for the infamous Black Mafia Family (BMF). Last October, the feds charged Samir Simpson-Bey with distributing over 40 grams of Fentanyl, enough for 10,000 lethal doses. Simpson-Bey was working out of Mayor Jones’ Office for Violence Prevention at the time of his arrest. The feds took down over 2 dozen associates and members of BMF in their October street sweep. Including Missouri State Rep. Chantelle Nickson-Clark’s fiancé, Antonio Jones, who has been receiving thousands of dollars from Nickson-Clark’s campaign. Antonio Jones was charged with laundering over $650,000 in drug proceeds.
BMF is a drug trafficking & money laundering organization founded by Demetrious “Big Meech” Flenory & his brother Terry “Southwest T” Flenory. The Flenory brothers were previously sentenced to decades in federal prison for running the largest cocaine distribution operation in the United States. The Flenory brothers, along with BMF underboss Chad “Jbo” Brown, a St. Louis native, ran BMF for decades until their arrest in 2007, raking in an alleged $270 million in a cocaine ring with hubs in Atlanta and Los Angeles and distribution points across the country, including Birmingham, Alabama, Miami, Detroit and, of course, St. Louis. Chad “Jbo” Brown was charged in the FBI’s October 2023 BMF roundup, not for drugs, but for a PPP loan.
Court documents show that the FBI used a confidential source to purchase Fentanyl from Simpson-Bey. On June 23, 2021, at about 1:00 PM, the confidential source contacted Simpson-Bey via Facebook to purchase some Fentanyl. Simpson-Bey told the CS to meet him at Bottom Line Bar & Grill in Soulard. The feds gave the confidential source $2,600, wired him up, and sent him to purchase the Fentanyl. Simpson-Bey sold the confidential source 40.34 grams of Fentanyl in a clear plastic bag.
Prior to being indicted in 2023, Simpson-Bey was involved in a drug trafficking conspiracy with the Sinaloa Cartel. In 2016, Simpson-Bey & many others were charged with distributing cocaine & heroin for drug kingpins Adrian Lemons & Jose Velasquez-Cabazos, a member of the Sinaloa Cartel. Drug kingpin Adrian Lemons worked with Jose Velasquez-Cabazos & other cartel members to receive & distribute huge quantities of cocaine in St. Louis. The cartel coordinated routine bulk shipments of cocaine from Mexico to St. Louis via truck & shipped bulk quantities of U.S. currency back to Mexico.
The feds seized over $1,000,000 cash, 64 kilos of cocaine, 12 properties, 7 cars, & 11 guns. Kingpin Adrian Lemons purchased 6 rental properties in the St. Louis area with all of his drug money. After purchasing, he quitclaimed the properties from his LLC to a trust, listing himself as trustee.
While Samir Simpson-Bey’s role as a cartel drug runner wasn’t exactly a government job, the drug trafficking organization’s top hitman, Anthony “Godfather” Jordan, preferred to use UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT LICENSE PLATES on high-end vehicles that he killed the drug trafficking organization’s rivals out of. When Anthony Jordan murdered Anthony “Blinky” Clark, he slapped a U.S. government plate on a stolen Audi and got right up on Clark outside of a Dismas Halfway House on Cote Brilliante.
In January 2018, Samir Simpson-Bey was sentenced to 3 years for his role as a cartel drug runner. During Simpson-Bey’s sentencing, former U.S. Attorney Thomas Rea described the group as “the most dangerous drug dealers and shooters in the city of St. Louis.”
Samir Simpson-Bey, was first indicted in 2007 on three cocaine (crack) distribution charges & a gun charge. However, he struck a plea deal that led to a dismissal of all drug charges. He was sentenced to 60 months by U.S. District Judge Stephen Limbaugh.
The intertwining web of criminal enterprises like the Black Mafia Family (BMF) and the Sinaloa Cartel, along with their connections to political figures in the St. Louis area, shows the influence of organized crime across multiple levels of society. Samir Simpson-Bey’s sentencing serves as a stark reminder of the ongoing efforts by law enforcement to dismantle these powerful criminal organizations. However, the involvement of political figures and government entities in laundering schemes and cartel activities raises critical questions about the reach of corruption and the challenges faced in maintaining law and order in the face of such complex criminal enterprises.
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June 24, 2024
FROM SUSPECTED TERRORIST TO PROLIFIC FBI INFORMANT: THE DISTURBING SAGA OF MOHAMMED ALMUTTAN, THE PALESTINIAN CRIME BOSS WHO BROUGHT DOWN 5 CORRUPT ST. LOUIS PUBLIC OFFICIALS.
Mohammed Almuttan owns multiple businesses in predominantly Black neighborhoods throughout St. Louis, like Mally Supermarket. In 2017, Mohammed Almuttan, his three brothers, Rami Almuttan, Hisham Mutan, and Saddam Mutan, along with 31 others were indicted by the FBI, exposing a lucrative nationwide Palestinian crime syndicate. Mohammed Almuttan forfeited over $2 million in cash and bank accounts, a Mercedes Benz Sprinter van, 15 ATM machines, and 7 EBT cards to federal authorities. The FBI also seized 25 firearms from Almuttan, including a Russian-made Mosin-Nagant rifle with no serial number and an Israeli-made Tavor SAR .223 rifle. Disturbingly, a police badge and a 2014 Ford Taurus, a vehicle commonly used by local police, were also forfeited by Almuttan. In addition to his criminal enterprises, Almuttan is the prolific informant that assisted the FBI in the indictment of five public officials in the St. Louis area, avoiding deportation and an awful lot of prison time. Almuttan's disturbing past further complicates the narrative. About two weeks after 9/11, he was arrested at Pearson Airport in Toronto, Canada, as a suspected terrorist, spending 55 days in solitary confinement at the Toronto West Detention Centre. On February 23, 2015, his application for U.S. naturalization was subjected to the Controlled Application Review and Resolution Program (CARRP) by the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) due to potential national security concerns, which include any articulable link to a terrorist organization, activities related to the overthrow of the U.S. government, and/or criminal activities endangering national security.
One of the schemes uncovered by the feds was synthetic drug trafficking. Mohammed Almuttan, Rami Almuttan, Hisham Mutan, and Palestinian synthetic drug chemist, Saad Al Mallak, imported illegal toxic chemicals from China to manufacture synthetic drugs, like K2. These imports often bore misleading labels, manifests, or declarations to deceive law enforcement. The synthetic drugs were manufactured at Almuttan’s farm near Dittmer, Missouri, in Jefferson County. Saad Al Mallak ran the farm, using the dangerous Chinese chemicals to concoct the drugs, which were then packaged with sinister names like “Sexy Monkey,” a blatantly racist term, and “Deadman,” a chillingly appropriate moniker given the racial terror-killing that took place at one of the Almuttan-owned stores these synthetic drugs were sold out of. After packaging, the toxic synthetic drugs were sold in the Black community in unmarked plastic condiment cups at various slum station liquor stores owned by Almuttan and other Palestinian organized crime figures in St. Louis City, St. Louis County, and beyond. Some stores included Page Discount Market, owned by Palestinian crime figure Abdullah Motan, who, although not indicted with Almuttan, was later charged by the FBI in 2018 for his involvement in a counterfeit goods scheme at a flea market in North St. Louis. Another implicated store was Hazelwood Discount Cigarettes, formerly owned by Hisham Mutan and now rebranded as Hanley Discount Cigarettes, with low-level Palestinian crime figure Ruoshde Qasim installed as a suspected front man. Qasim is infamously known as “superchargedarab” on Instagram, where he displays multiple firearms and brazenly taunts local police, speeding recklessly behind the wheel of a "Hellcat" Dodge Durango. The most notorious outlet for Almuttan’s synthetic drug operation was located at 2800 N Florissant Avenue in North St. Louis, Missouri. In September 2017, this location became infamous when Almuttan’s employee, an illegal migrant from Kuwait named Taleb Rebhi Ali-Jawher, shot and killed a Black man named Christopher Simmons because he thought Simmons pocketed a $1.10 candy bar. This incident led to Jawher’s charges of first-degree murder by St. Louis prosecutors and federal charges for possessing a firearm as an illegal resident. Jawher was ultimately sentenced to nine years in federal prison and a concurrent seven-year term in St. Louis Circuit Court. The slum station at 2800 N Florissant Avenue, dubbed the “shoot em up shell” by locals, remains a blight on the community. The store is still owned by the Almuttan crime family; a large Cori Bush campaign sign is prominently displayed in front of their slum station, signaling their influence and support for local politicians. In August 2023, U.S. District Judge Brian Wimes dismissed a lawsuit filed by St. Louis attorney Joe Jacobson against Torch Electronics, owners of thousands of gambling video games in Missouri retail locations, Warrenton Oil Company, which operates 54 Fast Lane convenience stores, and Mally Inc., Mohammed Almuttan’s notorious North St. Louis County liquor store. Torch Electronics and Warrenton Oil have wielded significant political influence, contributing almost $1.4 million to sway elections. Most of these funds have been funneled to PACs connected to their lobbyist and Republican power broker, Steve Tilley.
Illegal cigarette trafficking was another scheme uncovered by the FBI. Mohammed Almuttan, along with Saddam Mutan and Wafaa Alwan, orchestrated a massive cigarette trafficking operation, purchasing large quantities of Missouri tax-stamped cigarettes from Sam’s Club on an almost daily basis. These cigarettes were stored at the residences of Mohammed Almuttan and Saddam Mutan, as well as Almuttan’s Mally Supermarket in North St. Louis County. After purchasing the cigarettes at Sam’s Club, Mohammed Almuttan, Saddam Mutan, and Yadgar Baranzji arranged to sell the untaxed cigarettes to out-of-state buyers like Najeh Muhana, who was intercepted by police in Indiana with nearly a quarter million dollars en route to purchase cigarettes from Almuttan. The intricate Palestinian crime syndicate occasionally employed “runners” like Haydee Al Fatli to deliver cigarettes to the Chicago area to buyers like Naser Abid and Muhanad Khatib. Various couriers, such as Mohammad Karashqah, who was stopped in Ohio with $107,850, and Jihad Shihadeh, who made 30 trips to purchase cigarettes from Almuttan, were used to facilitate these transactions. With the state-local per pack tax rate for St. Louis, Missouri under $0.25, and the highest combined state-local tax rate reaching $6.16 per pack in Chicago, Illinois, the potential for profit was enormous. By trafficking 400,000 cartons of untaxed cigarettes from Missouri to high-tax states like Illinois and New Jersey, Almuttan siphoned approximately $8,640,000 in U.S. tax dollars. This staggering sum mirrors the notorious Hammoud brothers' contraband cigarette trafficking that funded Hezbollah terrorists who kill Israelis. Given Almuttan’s lifelong associations with terrorist organizations and the recent 10/7 Hamas terrorist attack, calls for a deeper investigation are growing, as the community demands answers about the potential links between the Palestinian organized crime faction in St. Louis and Hamas' financial support network.
After Mohammed Almuttan was indicted, he became one of most prolific FBI informants in St. Louis history. The Palestinian crime boss, facing deportation, struck a desperate deal with the feds. Almuttan wired up and played a key role in bringing down five public officials for corruption: Tony Weaver, Brandon Bosley, John Collins-Muhammad, Jeffrey Boyd, and Lewis Reed. Almuttan’s cooperation with federal authorities not only exposed a web of corruption but also underscored his deep entanglement in criminal activities, leveraging his knowledge to dismantle political figures who aided his illicit empire. The community remains wary of how deep these corrupt connections run, raising concerns about the extent of foreign influence in St. Louis and the integrity of local governance. Tony Weaver, an administrative assistant to former St. Louis County Council member Rochelle Walton Gray, was caught attempting to secure a maximum grant of $15,000 for each of Almuttan’s six North county businesses in exchange for a kickback. Brandon Bosley, a North St. Louis City Alderman, orchestrated a scheme to defraud his insurance company by inflating repair costs. Bosley paid Almuttan, a used car salesman and mechanic, $500 for a Prius worth nearly $10,000, falsely listed at $3,000. After the car was damaged, Bosley bribed Almuttan to inflate the repair estimate, resulting in a $7,978.90 insurance payout. Bosley then sought to buy back the car for $2,000, netting a nice profit. Jeffrey Boyd, a former Northside Alderman, accepted $9,500 from Almuttan to persuade the city’s Land Reutilization Authority (LRA) to accept a lower bid from Almuttan for a commercial property. Boyd also secured a property tax abatement for Almuttan and received free vehicle repairs. In another case, Boyd helped Almuttan file a fraudulent insurance claim for three damaged vehicles by falsifying sales records and backdating documents, attempting to claim a $200 daily storage fee for the vehicles. John Collins-Muhammad, another former North City Alderman and very close friend of Almuttan, admitted to accepting $13,500 in cash, $3,000 in campaign contributions, a Volkswagen CC sedan, and an Apple iPhone 11 from Almuttan to obtain a multi-year property tax abatement for a new liquor store. Despite resident opposition, Collins-Muhammad lied, claiming he would not pursue the tax incentives. Lewis Reed, President of the Board of Aldermen, took $6,000 in cash and $3,500 in campaign contributions to help Almuttan secure Minority Business Enterprise certification and city contracts. Reed accepted an additional $9,000 in cash to assist in the property tax abatement deal involving Collins-Muhammad.
Mohammed Almuttan’s suspected terrorist connections and his unsettling proximity to the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA) raise major national security concerns as well. On June 18, 2020, former alderman John Collins-Muhammad arranged a meeting between Almuttan and then-Congressman Lacy Clay at one of Almuttan’s slum stations. Collins-Muhammad insinuated that Clay's "federal oversight" would be pivotal in securing Almuttan contracts related to the NGA. In another secretive discussion, Lewis Reed discussed the redrawing of aldermanic districts, telling Almuttan that it would “ultimately be really good for you.” Reed also indicated that Collins-Muhammad would control a significant portion of downtown extending to the riverfront, including areas adjacent to the NGA site. "His Ward is going to be, down through by the NGA site, some of that stuff, the properties right to the west of NGA to the riverfront and then half of downtown is what John will control in his new district," Reed elaborated. These revelations raise alarming questions about the potential implications for national security. Could Almuttan, with his known terrorist connections, have leveraged his political influence to gain sensitive information about the NGA’s construction and operations? The proximity to such a critical intelligence agency coupled with Almuttan’s deep-rooted criminal and terrorist associations stokes fears that crucial information may have been compromised. The mere suggestion that Hamas could have obtained insider details about the NGA's infrastructure is enough to send shivers down the spine of every St. Louis resident and national security official alike. The community now faces a grave uncertainty, pondering the extent of Almuttan's reach and the potential threats posed by his nefarious dealings.
Thanks to Almuttan’s prolific informant work, he secured himself a deal with federal prosecutors just weeks before the indictments against the public officials were unsealed. In exchange for his cooperation, he avoided deportation and the feds dropped his drug trafficking and money laundering charges. Judge Ronnie White sentenced Almuttan in October to 48 months in prison, taking into account his assistance to the government as an informant. Despite this leniency, Judge White did not mince words, labeling Almuttan “one of the ringleaders, if not the mastermind” of the synthetic drug trafficking operation. "The harm you caused is immeasurable," White said, highlighting the widespread dissemination of contraband drugs from Almuttan's stores and the countless lives affected. White continued, "Not only did you instruct people to sell those drugs, but you also imported materials from a foreign country to manufacture them on a farm you owned. Through you, your brothers, and other co-conspirators, these drugs were distributed." Despite federal prosecutors dropping the drug trafficking charges, Almuttan’s lawyers appealed his sentence, arguing that Judge White’s statements were “improper.” The court allowed Almuttan to remain out on bond during his appeal, and his sentence was subsequently reduced by six months in February 2024. Almuttan has now reported to FCI Oxford, a low-security federal prison in Wisconsin, where he will serve the remainder of his sentence. However, Almuttan’s story might not end here. If he continues to assist the FBI through a third party, such as a friend or cousin, he could further reduce his sentence under Rule 35(b), which allows for sentence reductions for substantial assistance to the government.
Palestinian organized crime figures are notorious within the Black community for exploiting and endangering residents in St. Louis. Their storefronts are hotbeds of violence and crime, their operations, often marked by racist and violent undertones, have left a stain on our beautiful city, particularly within North St. Louis city and county neighborhoods. Almuttan’s cooperation not only brought down a network of corrupt public officials but also highlighted the depths of his own criminal activities, leaving the community wary of the lingering influence of Palestinian organized crime in St. Louis. This case underscores the complex and unsettling interplay between Palestinian organized crime, corruption, and national security, leaving the St. Louis community grappling with the far-reaching consequences.
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May 19, 2024
DECEPTION, CORRUPTION, & A LOT OF CASH: PETER & PAUL, ALDERMAN RASHEEN ALDRIDGE STRIP PROPERTY RIGHTS, DECEIVE NORTH ST. LOUIS TAXPAYERS, CASHING IN MILLIONS UNDER THE GUISE OF “ENDING HOMELESSNESS.”
On December 28, 2022, the Little Sisters of the Poor sold their property at 3225 N Florissant Avenue to Markbeth Properties LLC after providing devoted care to the elderly in North St. Louis for around 150 years. Markbeth Properties LLC is a real estate investment company owned by John Bencick, who also owns the Oak Knoll nursing home in Ferguson, MO. After Bencick took over the 3225 N Florissant Avenue campus, he began operating it as a Halfway House for federal inmates and an emergency shelter for the homeless under a separate entity of his, “JPAM Care & Rehab Center,” doing business as “Sisters Mission.” From December 23, 2023, through January 24, 2024, the City of St. Louis quietly awarded $2,404,189 in ARPA funds to JPAM Care & Rehab Center/Sisters Mission. Markbeth Properties LLC and JPAM Care & Rehab Center both share a registered business address of 12844 Big Bend Road, a single-family home in the upscale neighborhood of Kirkwood, Missouri.
On April 17, 2024, Peter & Paul agreed to take over operations at 3225 N Florissant Avenue, allowing John Bencick’s Markbeth Properties LLC to sit back and rake in more ARPA cash. Some residents fear the “second coming of blockbusting” in their historically neglected Northside neighborhoods. Instead of using racial scare tactics, residents believe the homeless are being used to cause panic in the community. On April 25, 2024, the Riverfront Times reported that a new 300-person shelter will be known as “Peter & Paul Community Campus.” It was also reported that the city of St. Louis awarded Peter & Paul $3 million in ARPA funds to “purchase the facility.” However, there was no mention of Bencick’s acquisition of the property in 2022 or the $2.4 million in ARPA funds already allocated to the property over the past year. Some residents are asking, “Where did that money go?” $5.4 million have been invested into this single property in one year by the city. After a recent water main break in the Hyde Park neighborhood resulted in flooding for over a day, concerns are certainly being raised about the priorities of those elected to represent them. An investment of this size hasn’t been made in any of the surrounding neighborhoods since the city received the ARPA funds.
In a Hyde Park neighborhood meeting last Saturday, Peter and Paul CEO, Anthony D’Agostino, accused the media of misleading the community, stating that “a 300 number was being thrown around because there is a current occupancy permit on the building for over 300 people to be served in that building. So it’s on a piece of paper,” he continued, “so when you see 300, the specific number on the occupancy permit, and not to get into details, it’s 380.” D’Agostino told residents that it is “not their intention” to house that many people in the facility. However, LouLeaks quickly determined that D’Agostino was the one misleading the public, not the media. In a newsletter released on Peter & Paul’s website, the Peter & Paul Board Chair, Mike Banahan, was quoted stating, “The board took this decision very seriously,” and “It will mean more than doubling the service footprint of PPCS over the next few years from 116 beds to 300 or more.” D’Agostino told the community that many of their other proposals to place shelters around the city were not approved for “one reason or the other,” referring to the Plat and Petition process, which gives neighborhoods a say in what gets placed around their homes. However, he did not tell residents that the reason they were able to force their way into North St. Louis is simply because of a loophole that allowed them to evade neighborhood consent.
When asked about the specific plans that Peter & Paul have for the campus, D’Agostino stated, “No plans have been solidified; this is all very new.” So, how did the city of St. Louis award millions in ARPA funds to a project that seemingly has no plan? D’Agostino told residents, “Once we knew this was going forward, we did try to reach out (to the community) but we were late in the game,” he continued. “We’re here to try to communicate and collaborate, and work with the community.” His comments may sound good, but if they were true, Peter & Paul would have engaged with the community while their board members were deciding whether or not to take over operations of the shelter. Alderman Aldridge also had the chance to notify his constituents and ask them if they would even want a nearly 400-person shelter in their neighborhoods, but since it aligns with his personal agenda, forcing this shelter into his ward would be perfect “payback” after Alderwoman Sonnier’s Board Bill 227 was killed. Many elected officials who associate with Aldridge seem to champion community engagement, but dismiss resident input when it conflicts with their personal agendas. The ongoing pattern of imposing shelters on the Northside without adequate local consultation has led to widespread frustration and opposition among North St. Louis residents, who have been unfairly burdened by the systemic over-saturation of shelters without proper planning or community approval. This systematic issue has contributed to tanking property values and a deteriorating quality of life, directly resulting in the flight of middle-class Black families from North St. Louis, as evidenced by newly released census data.
One resident raised concerns about the existing public safety issues, such as police response times of up to five hours. D’Agostino admitted that these response times are “unacceptable.” Another resident spoke about drug, alcohol, and weapons issues at surrounding parks, to which D’Agostino responded, “we have a lot of security issues around the premises that I want to deal with this summer.” This is yet another contradiction between D’Agostino and Peter & Paul board member, Marty Joe Murray, who’s also a candidate for state representative for the 78th district. Notably, this shelter is situated just one block north of the 78th district's boundary, raising serious conflict-of-interest issues given his political aspirations. Murray has publicly expressed support for policies that allow homeless individuals to occupy public parks, sparking community outrage about the wellbeing of St. Louis Place Park, which is already plagued by crime and in desperate need of increased safety measures. Murray also advocates for defunding the police, a policy that has already decimated Northside neighborhoods, leaving them underserved and under-resourced in fighting crime. Many residents believe that adding a shelter that is proven to increase crime rates to an area already struggling with public safety issues is a reckless and irresponsible decision. Especially when there are other neighborhoods with private police forces and city police patrolling, St. Louis Place, JeffVanderLou, Hyde Park, and Old North St. Louis residents are left feeling abandoned and betrayed. An extremely frustrated St. Louis Place resident told LouLeaks, “We barely even have city police patrolling. The combination of his ideologies is catastrophic to our community.” Murray’s policies, if implemented, would continue to destabilize these neighborhoods, erode property values, and perpetuate cycles of poverty and crime. Effective solutions to homelessness must prioritize sustainable, community-supported initiatives that do not disproportionately impact the most vulnerable and historically neglected neighborhoods in St. Louis.
The most misleading thing that D’Agostino told residents was, “As a non-profit, we are not looking to come in like other providers who have done it, like the previous provider, the owners, John (Bencick) and Mary, who are great people, but they "weren’t really focused on running the facility." We have a mission, and we’re a non-profit, so we’re not looking to gain money on this; we came into this with funding thanks to the city and state money we got. We are looking to invest that into the building fairly quickly.” This statement was a blatant attempt to deceive the community. First, D’Agostino insinuates that because they are a non-profit, they aren’t making money, which couldn’t be further from the truth. In 2022, Peter & Paul reported a staggering $3,918,513 in revenue to the IRS. Out of that, $2,861,017 goes to paying salaries and other wages. They also report $5,601,849 in assets, with close to $2 million in savings/cash investments and just $220,698 in investments/securities. To further debunk D’Agostino’s “we aren’t making money” claims, it was revealed that Peter & Paul paid $28,507 in rent to Garfield Partners LP for the shelter they operate at 2612 Wyoming St. in South St. Louis. Just like the setup at 3225 N Florissant Avenue with Markbeth Properties LLC, Garfield Partners LP is another for-profit real estate company that Peter & Paul funnels money through, owned by former Peter and Paul CEO, Steven Campbell. This is a calculated effort to deceive the community and line their pockets at the expense of the residents, acting as “saviors” to the vulnerable homeless population. So yes, they are making money, and they are making a lot of it. Second, if John Bencick wasn’t focused on running the former Little Sisters of the Poor facility, what happened to the $2.4 million that the city pumped into his property over the past year? Who authorized that money to be spent and what was the money even used for?
In a previous Aldermanic session, 12th Ward Alderwoman Sharon Tyus tried to explain to Alderman Rasheen Aldridge and Alderwoman Alisha Sonnier that many residents in North St. Louis are fed up with corrupted politicians who have continuously pushed extreme ideologies that will only amplify existing problems. Residents argue that those advocating for such shelters should be willing to situate them within their own neighborhoods, rather than imposing them on areas already grappling with significant challenges. For example, Peter & Paul’s Board Vice Chair, Alan Herzog, resides in the affluent neighborhood of Kirkwood. Their Board Treasurer, William Bruce, lives comfortably in Chesterfield. Some of their other board members reside in privileged areas like Ballwin, Webster Groves, and Crestwood. Why should the residents of North St. Louis bear the brunt of these decisions, while those making them remain untouched in their insulated communities? This blatant hypocrisy fuels the community's anger and sense of injustice. Will the residents be able to fight back against this exploitation and reclaim their neighborhoods? The showdown is set for May 22, 2024, at the community meeting with Peter & Paul and the surrounding neighborhoods. This meeting will be a crucial moment for North St. Louis residents to demand accountability, transparency, and a fair say in the future of their community. The time for action is now, and the community's voice must be heard.
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March 31, 2024
BOARD BILL 197 UNVEILS MORE CITY CORRUPTION & CORPORATE FRAUD: HOW ALDERWOMAN LAURA KEYS, SAINT LOUIS DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION, AND 2601 MARKET HOTEL INVESTORS LLC COLLUDED TO DECEIVE, BLIGHT, AND EXTORT ST. LOUIS CITY TAXPAYERS.
In a groundbreaking move that echoed throughout Metro St. Louis, the Housing, Urban Development, and Zoning (HUDZ) Committee struck down Board Bill 197, which proposed a tax abatement sought by 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC, an entity which Midas Hospitality is partnered in. The decision, made during the pivotal March 26th meeting, delivered a major victory for unions, public school children, and parents who stood united against corporate welfare. The monumental "no" votes came from Alderwomen Shameem Clark Hubbard of the 10th Ward, Alisha Sonnier of the 7th Ward, Board of Alderman President Megan Green, and Alderman Shane Cohn of the 3rd Ward. Anne Schweitzer and Michael Browning, shamefully voted in favor of approving the tax abatement sought by 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC. Their decision dealt a devastating blow to unions, particularly Local 1, Local 74, and the Coalition of Black Trades Unionists St. Louis Chapter. Their votes also underscored their allegiance to corporate interests over the well-being of the community.
On Thursday, March 28th, that victory was short lived after the St. Louis Business Journal reported the committee acted to reconsider Board Bill 197 on April 2nd, also reporting that Board of Alderman President Megan Green stated she sees a path forward with regards to the project. She also stated in an e-mail that it “seems unlikely that a developer would have already spent millions of dollars on a project that relied on receiving tax abatement.” But given the fact that the property owner seeking the tax abatement has over $800k in unpaid taxes and faces a barrage of lawsuits, it is quite the opposite of unlikely. In fact, reconsidering this bill has raised serious questions about the credibility and accountability of those involved in the decision-making process. Not to mention, David Robert called the project “dead” after learning he wouldn’t be getting a tax abatement.
Let’s revisit what brought us here in the first place. On February 25th, 2020, a financing statement and deed of assignment were recorded with the St. Louis City Recorder of Deeds for the transfer of ownership of two former Wells Fargo office buildings at 2601 Market St. On April 14, 2020, the St. Louis Business Journal reported that Clayton-based developer Green Street Real Estate Ventures purchased the 2601 Market St. properties from Wells Fargo for $5.75 million through its 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC entity. Jerry Crylen, Green Street’s former senior VP of investment, was quoted stating, "We want to be good neighbors." It was also reported that Green Street was to take a "wait-and-see" approach. After the “wait-and-see” period, Green Street Real Estate Ventures announced a partnership with Midas Enterprises to develop two hotels in May 2022. The St. Louis Business Journal reported that the two entities would construct a Kimpton Hotel and a Staybridge Suites. The article also mentioned a $100 million mixed-use development in Clayton that Green Street and Midas were partnering on.
In order to construct two new hotels, the two existing structures would need to be demolished, leaving 2601 Market St. a vacant lot. It is important to note that when 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC (the Green Street & Midas partnership) was seeking approval from the Preservation Board to demolish the existing office buildings, the board determined that 2601 Market St. was not part of a redevelopment plan. When describing the area surrounding 2601 Market St., the board stated, "The conditions of structures surrounding the project site are excellent, with little to no vacancy. This is a heavily-trafficked and robust commercial area." The board also provided additional background information regarding the exceptional condition of the existing structures. All in all, 2601 Market St. did not qualify as a "blighted area" by any means when 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC acquired the property. On December 28th, 2022, The Riverfront Times reported that the hotel project was being delayed by 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC (the Green Street & Midas partnership). When the preservation board approved the demolition of the existing office buildings, its approval was contingent on 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC (the Green Street & Midas partnership) obtaining a building permit for the new construction of the two hotels. 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC appealed that contingency. The board ultimately approved the demolition of the two office buildings without requiring 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC (the Green Street & Midas partnership) to obtain a building permit.
In a dark twist of events, on November 14th, 2023, resolution no. 23-LCRA-10822 was cunningly presented to the LCRA board, shrouded in deceit, as it requested the declaration of the 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC property as "blighted," a move engineered to pave the way for a treacherous 10-year, 75% tax abatement. As hinted by the St. Louis Post Dispatch earlier, Green Street, the mastermind behind the plan, supposedly withdrew from the project, concealing its involvement in the plot. Yet, Green Street's partnership with Midas has seemingly remained intact, orchestrating their deceitful plan from the shadows. Despite attempts to hide their involvement, the truth remains unmasked: Green Street’s entity, 2601 Market Hotel Investors LLC, retains ownership of the 2601 Market St. property.
A shocking truth came to light on January 12, 2024, when Alderwoman Laura Keys boldly introduced Board Bill Number 197. Disguised as a Chapter 99 Redevelopment Plan and Blighting Study for the 2601 Market St. Redevelopment Area, it is now evident that this bill was merely a facade. Peeling back the layers of deception, it became unmistakably clear that the proposed blighting of 2601 Market St. was a calculated ploy, intended to award tax abatements to developers who orchestrated the deliberate demolition, all in a bid to falsely designate the newly vacant area as blighted.
Amidst a collective sigh of relief from the city, the sinister web of corruption continued to unravel. On March 27th, The St. Louis Post Dispatch reported that a former Green Street employee courageously stepped forward, exposing Green Street for deceiving investors. With over two dozen lawsuits bearing testament to the company's plunge into financial malfeasance, it is beginning to look ugly. After learning the aforementioned information, our team decided to investigate the financial aspect of the 2601 Market St. project and uncovered a startling revelation. SLDC's Jake Narup, in his March 26th presentation before the HUDZ committee, boldly touted a 70% occupancy rate at $198 per room for the proposed hotels. However, a simple examination of factual data from CBRE Hotel Research painted a starkly different picture. Occupancy rates for upper-priced hotels in Downtown St. Louis haven't surpassed 65% in the past four years, with average daily room rates falling far below the inflated $198 mark. Likewise, mid-priced hotels in St. Louis struggled to maintain occupancy rates above 60%, further debunking Narup's misleading claims. CBRE's data exposed the severe inflation of revenue projections made by the Saint Louis Development Corp, revealing more potential criminal corruption within city government and SLDC.
As we deal with the fallout of these chilling revelations, it is clear that the battle against corruption has only just begun. The question on everyone’s mind is: Will corruption continue to prevail? We will find out on April 2nd, when the HUDZ committee will vote once more on Board Bill 197.
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March 24th, 2024
CORPORATE WELFARE & ECONOMIC INJUSTICE: MIDAS HOSPITALITY SEEKS ANOTHER HUGE TAX ABATEMENT, STIFF-ARMS UNIONS, AND SHORTCHANGES ST. LOUIS PUBLIC SCHOOLS
On Tuesday, March 26th, The HUDZ committee, led by Shameem Clark Hubbard, Alisha Sonier, Anne Schweitzer, Shane Cohn, and Michael Browning, seeks to approve a controversial 75% tax abatement for 10 years on a $126 million hotel project in Midtown. The Board Bill was sponsored by Laura Keys. Midas Hospitality, led by JT Norville & David Roberts, reported $108 million in hotel revenue in 2021, has about $540 million in assets under management, and over $1 billion in new development in the pipeline. Norville & Roberts both use a private jet when traveling to their hotel developments across the United States.
A separate $46 million Midas project was put on hold over Midas’ refusal to sign a neutrality agreement, raising concerns from Local 74 and other St. Louis area trades unions. David Roberts justified the refusal to sign the agreement, stating there’s no need for an agreement because Midas is “a good employer.” Many union workers refute these claims. David Roberts also stated the company's work on hotel projects is done with union labor. However, LouLeaks located evidence of Midas using a non-union electric company on all of their hotel projects. Specifically, Streib Electric Company, who pays below standard wages and benefits negotiated by International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Local 1. Streib Company's work includes the Element Hotel in Midtown, another project Midas Hospitality received a 10 year 75% tax abatement for. As a result of that tax abatement, IBEW Local 1 workers and their families were directly undermined.
While our unions suffer, the real victims are the St. Louis Public School children. Tax abatements like these drain critical funds from schools, as highlighted by a recent study, costing SLPS $167 million in just six years. 88% of children in Saint Louis Public Schools are minorities from low-income households. A former SLPS employee told our team, “The impacts of these tax abatements should be fully disclosed to the school district. Right now, the kids and teachers are the scapegoats. It’s like a reverse robin hood situation and it is morally wrong.” Another concerned resident shared with us, “I can’t stand when HUDZ and the SLDC say this type of stuff is part of their Economic Justice Plan. They are giving multi-millionaire hotel developers these big tax abatements at the expense of the black kids in our public schools,” he continued, stating, “and it’s not like these developments are helping their neighborhoods either. Only the wealthy communities benefit.”
A small business owner emailed LouLeaks stating: “People need to know when the city gives these corporate welfare tax abatements, we’re the ones paying higher taxes to pick up the millionaires' slack. It’s about risk and reward. Why do millionaires get to put the risk on us and keep all of the profit to themselves? Bad deal for me.”
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March 22, 2024
VERNON BETTS' SHERIFF'S DEPARTMENT UNDER FIRE: ANOTHER SCANDAL UNVEILED
As questions remain unanswered regarding a 2-year-old boy shooting himself with a St. Louis Sheriff’s Deputy's department-issued firearm, LouLeaks has obtained exclusive insights from within the St. Louis City Sheriff’s Department.
On March 16th, 2024, Ferguson PD responded to The Knolls Townhomes in Ferguson, Missouri. Upon arrival, Ferguson police discovered that James Short, a St. Louis City Sheriff’s Deputy with approximately 2 months on the job, left his department-issued firearm unsecured, resulting in his 2-year-old nephew picking up that firearm and shooting himself in the stomach.
In a statement to KSDK news reporters, Ferguson Police Detective Sammy Numan emphasized the need for accountability, stating, "I will hold you to a higher standard because you've been through the training. You know the danger that's associated with guns.... If you're law enforcement or you're a regular civilian, for every action there is a reaction and consequences."
Our investigation into Vernon Betts’ Sheriff’s Department reveals deeply concerning patterns. Deputy James Short’s incident isn’t isolated, as Deputy James Buchanan, a convicted felon, currently holds rank within the department. Despite facing murder charges in 2021, Buchanan struck a plea deal with prosecutors. In 2023, Deputy Buchanan was sentenced to 5 years probation for felony second-degree involuntary manslaughter. Anonymous sources within the St. Louis City Sheriff’s Department told our team, “if he wasn’t [Betts’] boy, he would have been fired for being a felon. No doubt about it.”
It was uncovered in a 2023 Riverfront Times investigation that 16 of Vernon Betts’ deputies were forced to return their badges due to Sheriff Betts' illicit hiring practices. Sheriff Betts’ actions evaded the 22nd Circuit Court’s approval, which directly violated state law. Some of the illegally hired deputies were alleged to have been convicted felons.
“The Sheriff’s Department has far too long gone unchecked and unaccountable to the people of St. Louis.” - Vernon Betts, 2016
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March 21, 2024
VERNON BETTS EXPOSED: SHERIFF'S NEGLIGENCE PUTS OUR CITY AT RISK
Public safety has been a longstanding issue in Downtown St. Louis for decades. Despite the “Safer Streets Act” being signed into law last year, which was said to allocate $46M toward street safety, pedestrians remain gravely unsafe and residents are growing frustrated. Following the tragic loss of Laticha Bracero and her daughter, Alyssa Cordova, two tourists killed while walking in Downtown St. Louis by a reckless driver who carelessly sped through a red light at speeds in excess of 70 MPH, calls for immediate public safety are louder than ever.
While solutions continue to be held up in a “political standoff” between Mayor Tishaura Jones and Board of Alderman President Megan Green, sights are now being turned to St Louis’ highest ranking law enforcement officer, Sheriff Vernon Betts. Information obtained by LouLeaks from verified sources within the St. Louis City Sheriff's Department paints a disturbing picture of neglect, with Sheriff Betts at the center. The St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department has urgently requested that Sheriff Vernon Betts coordinate with their department to update the St. Louis City Sheriff’s Department with essential radio equipment. This vital update has repeatedly been blocked by Sheriff Betts. To make matters worse, the 30 body-cams that Betts purchased for his deputies with federal dollars in 2020 were manufactured by BOBLOV/SHENZHEN LVYOUYOU TECHNOLOGY CO., a Chinese spyware company. Many in the legal community have speculated whether or not Betts' purchase violated Section 889 of the NDAA, a federal law enacted to protect the national security of the United States.
This refusal to collaborate has left Sheriff’s Deputies without the tools they need to effectively coordinate with the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department to patrol downtown and respond to emergencies, creating a grave danger to the community. One St. Louis City Sheriff’s Deputy, speaking on condition of anonymity out of fear of retaliation, expressed extreme frustration, "He can't say it's a funding issue or anything like that, because the police department wants to update our radios, Betts just won’t let it happen.” He continued, “Nobody ever looks into nothing they got going on; his son makes a lot on secondary and drives Vernon’s official Sheriff’s vehicle, it’s a lot going on." This revelation shows Sheriff Betts’ blatant disregard for public safety and raises serious concerns about his competence as an elected law enforcement officer. As the community demands accountability, it is clear that Vernon Betts' actions—or lack thereof—have placed countless lives at risk, continuing to sow distrust between the community and law enforcement.
In response to our findings, a downtown resident even stated, "How many more people will have to die until we get some more law enforcement officers on the street? City police, Sheriffs? Anybody with some real arresting power? I can’t believe I’m even saying this in a major U.S. city." As St. Louis mourns the lives lost and demands accountability for the many failures that led to this public safety crisis, one thing is clear: the safety and well-being of the citizens of St. Louis must be the top priority. Our law enforcement agencies must work together collaboratively and efficiently, under competent leadership, to ensure that incidents like this never happen again.
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